An article by Temur Umarov, posted on Carnegie Foundation (Carnegie Endowment for International Peace)’s website, says the changes in migration policy serve as a striking example of how swiftly and radically the Russian government can shift its stance to a far more aggressive and brutal approach.  Slogans like "Russia for Russians," "For Russian Unity," and "Clean the City of Garbage" were once prosecuted, with individuals being jailed for such statements.  However, now the authorities themselves have adopted these very slogans in their new campaign against migrants. Russian officials now speak of the need to "lighten" Russian regions, express outrage that migrants "bring their families along," and even boast about "catching" migrants and sending them to fight in the war with Ukraine.

Along with this rhetoric, migration laws have become increasingly strict.  New amendments allow the Ministry of Internal Affairs (MoIA) to restrict foreigners' rights and deport them without trial.  The majority of Russian society supports this tightening of migration control, not realizing that these same tools could one day be used against them.  Already, Russians can lose their acquired citizenship, even if it's their only citizenship, for committing a criminal offense.

What constitutes a criminal offense is expanding in Russia today, with acts like discrediting the army and repeated violations of foreign agent labeling now falling under this category.  Under the guise of fighting terrorism and defending the rights of the "state-forming people," the Russian government is legalizing discrimination — today, the law permits stripping migrants of their rights, and tomorrow, it could be extended to others.

Russia has long been one of the most popular destinations for migrants. For decades, the Russian government encouraged the influx of migrants.  At that time, work patents were introduced, making it easier for migrants to work in the private sector and protect their labor rights.  The State Duma (Russia’s lower chamber of parliament) also simplified the process of obtaining citizenship for foreigners who were graduates of Russian universities, while highly skilled migrants were exempted from the requirement to register with the MoIA.

Reducing the bureaucratic burden on newcomers encouraged long-term migration rather than just seasonal work. The population decline of the 1990s and 2000s began to be offset by migration growth, as noted in the state migration policy concept adopted in 2019.

There have always been opponents of migration in Russia, though they were mostly in street politics, not in government offices.  Opposition figure Alexei Navalny advocated for stricter migration policies, and anti-migrant rallies were organized by radical far-right movements, the most notable of which was the Movement Against Illegal Immigration (DPNI).  Along with the Eurasian Youth Union (supporters of Alexander Dugin), DPNI initiated the "Russian March," an annual nationalist and neo-Nazi march in Russian cities on National Unity Day, November 4.  The largest Russian March in 2010 saw about 16,000 participants across Russia.

The authorities were wary of nationalist rhetoric, trying to co-opt its supporters through spoiler movements while repressing opposition nationalists.  Most of them are now either imprisoned, abroad, or deceased.  However, nationalist slogans have now moved from the streets into government offices.

Russian lawmakers are also involved.  In June 2024, Senator Andrei Klishas stated at the St. Petersburg Legal Forum that "they [migrants] want to live here instead of us — this is a huge problem for us, for Russians, Belarusians, Ukrainians living on our territory."

Former Russian President Dmitry Medvedev opposes allowing migrants to bring their families to Russia or for their children to attend Russian schools.

At the lower levels of government, officials no longer fear making openly racist statements. For example, Viktor Paukhov, head of the Interior Ministry’s Office for Moscow oblast, said that the primary task of his department is to "lighten" the Moscow region, preventing it from being "darkened," as he put it, by foreign citizens.

Meanwhile, the Ministry of Education has sent recommendations to educational institutions advising schools to limit the number of foreign students in classes, arguing that teaching such children is "obviously no easier than teaching a child with disabilities."  Even the head of the Russian Orthodox Church, Patriarch Kirill, devoted most of his speech at the World Russian People's Council to the need for stricter migration policies, claiming that migrants "change the appearance of Russian cities," challenge Russia's cultural traditions, and, after receiving passports, cease respecting the "state-forming people."

The rise in anti-migrant rhetoric could be attributed to the terrorist attack at "Crocus City" committed by migrants from Tajikistan.  However, previous terrorist acts involving Central Asians did not lead to such an anti-migrant campaign.  More likely, the issue lies in how the invasion of Ukraine has normalized a higher level of brutality and aggression in Russia.  Many ultra-patriots, Z-bloggers, neo-Nazis, and war correspondents have risen to prominence, making xenophobic and hateful statements, including against migrants, commonplace.

Previously, advocating for migrant rights was encouraged, but now it carries the risk of actual prison time.

Migration policy in Russia is also actively changing at the legislative level. Since the beginning of 2022, 19 amendments to the law "On the Legal Status of Foreign Citizens in the Russian Federation" have been introduced to the State Duma.

From the perspective of power struggles among Russian institutions, the biggest beneficiary of these changes is the MoIA.  The police have gained unprecedented control over migrants and can now instantly access almost any information about an individual from other Russian agencies, track their location, enter premises where a controlled person may be, check any documents (including those containing tax or banking information), and even prohibit the use of banking services, among many other powers.